Like the Roman: The Life of Enoch Powell
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There were few more controversial British politicians of the twentieth-century than Enoch Powell. There were few more brilliant, and yet, whilst being an MP for thirty-seven years, his ministerial career lasted a mere fifteen months. His influence however was enormous not least as a harbinger of Thatcherism.
There was much more to him though: he was a Professor of Greek at the age of twenty-five: a brigadier at the age of thirty-two: he was also a poet, biblical scholar and devoted family man.
The word 'definitive' is hackneyed but in describing this biography it can be used legitimately. Not only was Simon Heffer able to interview Enoch Powell he was also given access to Powell's massive private archive.
'In future, anyone who want to study Enoch Powell will start here'. Bruce Anderson, Spectator
First published in 1998, this biography has been out of print for a number of years. Demand for it however remains constant and Faber Finds is happy to meet that demand.
after August 1939, but had had them compulsorily purchased before the Bill had been outlined: there had had to be cut-off dates, and that was that. He then moved back to generosity: many houses unfit for human habitation also had business premises attached that were suitable for that use. In those cases, proper compensation would be paid. Finally, there would be better compensation for those houses in a relatively good state of repair. He criticised Labour for opposing the Bill because it made no
reduction in military capability. He announced that Mediterranean deployments would be greatly reduced, that the base at Aden would be given up in 1968, that forces would be cut in the Far East, and that within a few years there would be no forces at all in the Caribbean or Southern Africa. Nor, in the future, would Britain undertake any overseas commitments without the support of allies. Much of this, embarrassingly, was consonant with Powell’s doctrine. It was the beginning of a phase that
inflation, business was carried on as though the inflation would continue; and so, when it did not continue, those who miscalculated would have to adjust accordingly, and this could mean redundancies. ‘It is like a game of musical chairs. When the music of inflation stops, there will always be somebody who, for the time being, is without a chair until a new pattern of activity, behaviour and expectations is attained which corresponds either with a reduced rate of inflation or with stable money
warned those in his own party planning to vote against that if the Government was defeated he would call a general election. Another plan, to truncate the parliamentary session, start a fresh one and introduce the Bill again had been considered but dismissed. Powell and his supporters decided that Heath was bluffing. In the end, the Government majority was slashed to eight, with thirteen Conservative MPs, including Powell, voting against, and two Ulster Unionists. Four other Conservatives
had already been instrumental in helping them survive a vote of confidence, but since then the Unionists had made it clear to the Government they would require further blandishments to keep them co-operative. Powell had persuaded Harold Wilson the previous winter that there was nothing to be gained, and much to be lost, if the Government were to rule out more seats for Ulster.50 However, the two Oxford academics, Johnson and Schoen, who had undertaken a study into Powell’s success in influencing